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Abstract
方言におけるコソ〜已然形型の係り結びの用法には,中央古典語と同様に条件表現・文末表現が認められる。このうち,文末の表現には,比較的ニュートラルな言い切り表現のほか,反語や安堵といった特定のモダリティに傾いた用法が認められる。また,条件表現的な文中の用法には用言の実質的意味が希薄なとりたて詞的用法が認められる。これらの発生・変化の過程を考える場合,係りのコソの対比性の変化と結びの用言の変化を考慮する必要がある。コソが対比性を希薄化することで結びの用法は対比的逆接条件表現から文末言い切り表現に変化した。一方,結びは,用言一般から補助動詞「ある」に限定される中で,「ある」が存在詞とは異なる実質的意味を持ち,ここにコソの対比性が関与することで反語用法を生み出し,対比性の希薄化が安堵用法を生み出した。さらに「ある」が文法性を強化することでコソ〜已然形は,全体としてとりたて助詞に回帰したりコピュラ化することになった。以上の変遷は分布でも裏付けられる。
This paper deals with the kakarimusubi phenomenon observed in Japanese dialects caused by the focus particle (kakarijoshi) koso. In Classical Japanese, koso required the predicate to assume the realis form (izen-form) . This phenomenon has been seen mainly in the Western dialects and the Hachijo dialects. Kakarimusubi with koso occurs both in subordinate clauses and in main clauses. The verb aru 'exist, be' plays a unique role in the kakarimusubi phenomena in the Japanese dialects : forms derived from koso are (are is the izen-form of aru), e.g., kosare, kusare, kuse, are often used as focus particles attached to causal clauses, and in some dialects, they function as sentence-final particles denoting the modal meanings of 'irony' and 'relief '. Historically, kakarimusubi with koso first appeared inside subordinate clauses and expanded to main clauses. This change was caused by the semantic shift of koso, i.e., the shift from 'contrast' to 'focusing'. The grammaticalization of koso are was promoted by two factors : (i) Kakarimusubi with koso came to be limited to the existential verb aru, (ii) The grammaticalization of aru led to its semantic change, i.e., the change from 'exist, be' to 'natural'. The 'ironic' and 'relief' meanings of koso are were also the result of the interaction between the grammaticalization of aru and the meaning of koso : koso are expresses the 'ironic' meaning when koso maintains the contrastive meaning, while it expresses the 'relief' meaning when the contrastive meaning of koso weakens. In some dialects, as the result of strengthening of the grammatical property of aru, the grammaticalization of koso are has reached the last stage, in which the forms derived from koso are have become focus particles or copulas. The history shown above is supported by their geographical distributions.
Journal
- Kokugogaku : studies in the Japanese language [List of Volumes]
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Kokugogaku : studies in the Japanese language 54(4), 31-43, 2003-10-01 [Table of Contents]
The Society of Japanese Linguistics