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Abstract
本稿は、戦前の学校や徴兵などによる国民化の過程を通して民衆に身体化されていった国民意識が、戦後どのように維持または変形されてきたのか、現在では庶民生活に身近となっているスポーツの普及過程を通して、そのメカニズムについて考察することを目的とする。ここでは、ローカリズムとナショナリズムの関係に注目する観点から、具体的な事例として、「サッカーのまち」として知られ、戦後日本でいち早く地域的にサッカーの大衆化を経験した清水市におけるサッカーの普及過程を取り上げ、ローカルな場における人々の身体がどのようにナショナルな枠組みに方向づけられていったのか、そこに働く構造化の仕組みについて記述・分析する。これによって、「サッカーのまち」へとローカル・イメージが変化する過程も含め、清水市のサッカー普及過程には、ローカル・アイデンティティの再形成とともに国民意識の身体化が進行するという、ナショナリズムとローカリズムの相互浸透の過程が表象されていることが明らかにされる。「サッカーのまち清水」という一見地域特殊的に見える現象が、いかにナショナルな次元と関係しているかを検証することにより、国民意識の身体化についての人類学的研究が、ナショナリズム研究に貢献できる一つの方向性を提示する。
This paper examines how national identity has been embodied in the postwar period, paying special attention to the relationship between nationalism and localism through a case study of the spread of soccer. I focus on Shimizu, a city in Japan famous as a city of soccer. According to recent studies of the formation processes of Japanese national identity in the prewar period, a consciousness of being "Japanese" had been naturalized through a modern Japanese representation system. However, even though such nationalism was pervasive at a "discourse" lavel, it was not completely accepted at a "bodily" level. There were more complicated processes in a practical sense, as seen in the study of undoukai, or sports gatherings. Rather, it is appropriate to think that nationalism has pervaded the body in the postwar period since Japan restarted as a democratic state. The first reason is that a new compulsory education system substantially brought almost all "nations" to become the objects of national scrutiny and reform. Second, The industrial structural change caused by the high-growth economic development induced superficial change in local bodily practices closely related to local economic activities. However, this has not been examined sufficiently in case studies to date. In order to verify that nationalism has pervaded Japan at a bodily level since 1945, I examine the localization of sports which are generally regarded as voluntary bodily practices. Among sports, I especially focus on soccer, because soccer is the most popular sport in the world and the World Cup can be used for a study of nationalism. Shimizu is a coastal industrial city developed during the modernization of Japan and historically formed a locality of shinshu no kiho, or an enterprising spirit, by accepting continual inflows of people and capital. Based on this locality, in the industrial structural change agter the period of high-growth economic development, local people found soccer well worth investing in. However, soccer in Shimizu was not realized as a venture sport from the beginning. Its activity began from a locally oriented rivalry with an "elite" high school in another school district famous for its excellent soccer team developed under the tradition of the idea of bunbu-ryoudou, or being both a good warrior and a good scholar. In order to win against this school, the project of building a local system raising elite soccer players was started. Elementary school, the project of building a local system raising elite soccer players was started. Elementary school teachers introduces this system with support from some local elites in the industrial and political world. Watching new trends for large industries to create job openings for soccer specialists and for the Japan Football Association to start a project for elite soccer education, school teachers and their supporters used a newly created system of shounendan, or "junior sports clubs" under the national guidance of "social education" to build a local elite soccer system from elementary school to high school. A shounendan set for each school district could give space for new movements apart from restrictions in "schools" and in chounaikai, or neighborhood associations. What made building such a local system possible was popular sentiment after economic growth where egalitarianism in school education was criticized as hypocrisy and meritocracy was supported instead. The possibility of social rise by the "bodily" resource has been ideologically interpreted by a national elitist assessment implied in bunbu-ryoudou, though in practice ambiguously defined. In this current time of increasing delinquency, teachers who voluntarily took on the job of coaching in a shounendan were also expected to play a role in disciplining and supervising students' behavior after school. In this process, popular morals such as nintai, or patience, which had formed in the Japanese modernization often matched the teacher's "national" moral educational discourse which had a moment to return back to Japanese spiritualism. Such an ideology, whether supported or not by local people, has been intensified in the production system of the elite soccer players. Based on the case study outlined above, this study concludes the following. Firstly, while in the prewar period nationalism "invaded" localism, after the war localism was promoted by local "voluntary" intentions to closely connect to nationalism. This met the ordinary people's concern on their own economical and political interests for their upward social mobility. Secondly, human relations mediated by "school" at all levels from elementary school to university supported a new localism after World War II. This paralleled the process in which traditional neighborhood associations were reorganized accoding to the "school district" determined by the Japanese state especially after the period of high-growth economic development. As a result, localism was formed structurally nested in nationalism and then the people's identity formation came to be framed by national policy. The Japanese usage of localism is a political definition. Thirdly, while democracy and equality are official doctrines in the postwar era, under this official discourse "individual" competition was limited and spread in the national framework of "school" that formed in the prewar era. That is, it is thought that one's assimilation to the Japanese school culture was with a view to "individual" upward social mobility. However, on the one hand, such ego-centrism has been "grouped" through the bodily domestication into the national framework of school. On the other hand, a small number of strong "individuals" who survived in such a situation may reach the "modern". This process differs from the "self-conscious" "grouping" of the English working class, who do not aspire to upward social mobility, because an anti-school counterculture formed in this "grouping" process contributes to the reproduction of the class structure. This paper has examined the macro-process in which the local popular body was structured in a national framework and has analyzed the interaction between localism and nationalism. However, the interpretation in this study should be re-examined through micro studies and comparative case studies in other nation-states to further investigate the way in which anthropological study on the embodiment of the national identity can contribute to that of nationalism.
Journal
- Japanese journal of cultural anthropology [List of Volumes]
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Japanese journal of cultural anthropology 69(2), 213-235, 2004-09-30 [Table of Contents]
Japanese Society of Cultural Anthropology