The Relative Constructions and the Intervention Effect in Chinese

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この論文は、中国語関係節の派生に、(i)名詞句自体が関係節内から移動することにより関係節を形成する繰上げ操作と(ii)目に見えないオペレータが移動するので、関係節を統治する名詞句は移動しないマッチング操作の両方が必要であると主張するAoun and Li (2003)を支持するものの、繰上げ操作において、移動する名詞句はNPまでしか投射しないという考えには異議を唱えるものである。Aoun and Li (2003)は移動する名詞句は数量詞を含まない(すなわち、NumPまで投射しない)ために、名詞句が再構築されることにより生じる数量詞相互作用現象は存在しないと述べている。しかしながら、Aoun and Li (2003)自身がデータで示しているように、普遍数量詞(meigeren)が単独で使用された場合は、数量詞相互作用現象を示し、douと共に使用された場合は、数量詞相互作用現象を示さない。そこで、本論文では、名詞句が再構築されることにより生じる数量詞相互作用現象は存在することを新たなデータをもとに主張する。また、meigerenがdouと共起した場合には、douが名詞句繰上げを妨げるもの、すなわち、インタービーナーであるために、移動された名詞句が数量詞相互作用を示すことの出来る場所に、再構築できないと指摘することにより、数量詞相互作用現象を示さないと提唱する。これにより、Aoun and Li (2003)の主張とは異なり、中国語関係節の繰上げ操作において、移動する名詞句は少なくともNumPまでは投射していることを示すことが可能になる。

Two types of analysis of relative constructions have been proposed in the literature: the matching (or wh-operator movement) and the promotion (or head-raising) analysis. The matching analysis has been proposed by Lees (1960, 1961), Chomsky (1965, 77), and Kuroda (1968) among others. In this analysis, nominal expressions, to which relative clauses are adjoined, are base-generated in the head positions of NP, and wh-phrases or invisible operators move to the spec of the relative clauses to match themselves with the nominal expressions. Thus, the nominal expressions in the head positions do not move for the sake of deriving relative clauses. According to the promotion analysis, on the other hand, which has been suggested by Brame (1968), Schachter (1973), Vergnaud (1974) among others, nominal expressions are base-generated inside relative clauses and then, they are moved to the head positions of NP. Thus, it is not a wh-phrase but a nominal expression that moves into the head position in order to derive a relative clause. In other words, nominal expressions not only head relative clauses but also serve as (wh-)operators. Following Carlson (1977) and Afarli (1994), Aoun and Li (2003) show that both the matching and the promotion method are necessary to account for all types of relative constructions in English. Specifically, Aoun and Li claim that although wh-relative constructions (i.e. relative clauses in which wh-phrases are used) can resort to only the matching method, that-relative constructions (i.e. relative clauses in which "that" is employed) can choose either of the two methods. They have come to this conclusion on the basis of three types of evidence: (i) idiom chunks, (ii) binding, and (iii) scope interaction. Aoun and Li (2003) extend their analysis to Chinese and argue that although Chinese also allows the promotion as well as the matching method as in English, the (promoted) head of a relative clause is projected up to NP, not DP, at the time of raising to the spec of CP, unlike in English. As a result, (some) Chinese relative clauses do not show scope interaction even if the heads are reconstructed into the base-generated positions within the relative clauses. In this paper, I would like to present three new claims about relative clauses in Chinese. First of all, the intervention effect is observed not only in wh-questions but also in relative clauses in Chinese, which indicates that the same type of WH movement is involved in both constructions and that optional movement sometimes must be obligatorily applied to derive relative clauses. Second, Chinese relative clause constructions show quantifier interaction as the result of head reconstruction, in other words, the head, at the time of being in the base-generated position, projects higher than NP and at least up to NumP, the claim of which is contra Aoun and Li's (2003) claim. This paper is organized in the following order. I will present Aoun and Li's (2003) analysis of English and Chinese relative constructions first. In section 2, I will show that Chinese relative clauses show scope interaction contra Aoun and Li (2003). Furthermore, I will argue that the derivations of relative clauses may be subject to the intervention effect, and that "dou" ('each' or 'even') as well as "ye" ('also') is an intervener in Chinese.

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