「超自然的強制」が支える森林資源管理 : インドネシア東部セラム島山地民の事例より Indigenous Natural Resource Management through the Inter-relationship between Human and Supernatural Agents : A Case of a Highland Community on Seram Island, Eastern Indonesia
世界のさまざまな地域では、超自然的存在やそれが持つ力への視点を抜きにしては捉えられないような、数かずの「在地の資源管理(Indigenous Resource Management:IRM)」が行われている。資源管理や自然保護をめぐっては「コミュニティ基盤型」あるいは「参加型」アプローチの有効性・必要性が叫ばれて久しいが、人類学的コモンズ論をはじめとして自然資源管理をめぐる議論では、地域の人びとの超自然観と密接に結びついているIRMを十分に主題化してきたとは言い難い。そこで、本研究ではインドネシア東部セラム島の内陸山地部をフィールドに、日々の暮らしに欠くことのできない狩猟資源の利用をめぐる秩序が、山地民と超自然的存在とのかかわりあいのなかで、どのように生み出され,維持されているのかを、可能な限り山地民の生活世界に入り込みながら仔細に描き出すことを試みた。その上で、そうした超自然的強制に支えられたIRMと地域の社会文化的コンテクストとのあいだにどのような適合性がみられるのかを検討し、超自然的存在との相互関係のなかで資源利用秩序を生み出している地域の人びとの営為に目を向けてゆくことが、「超自然的存在と共に生きている人びと」が主体性を発揮しえる資源管理・自然保護を模索・推進してゆく上で重要であることを指摘した。
In various places around the world, there are many indigenous resource management (IRM) systems closely related to local people's beliefs in supernatural agents. Although the importance and effectiveness of a "community-based" or "participatory" approach in natural resource management have been realized, previous studies in resource management-such as 'commons' studies-have not sufficiently thematized IRM practices based on the interaction between local people and supernatural agents. Field research focusing on such practices seems to be needed in order to promote self-directed resource management by the people who 'coexist with supernatural agents.' In this paper, I would like to show how the well-structured utilization of forest resources (game resources) is created and maintained through the interaction of local people and supernatural agents, and will consider how such IRM is adaptable to the local socio-cultural context in a mountain community on central Seram Island in eastern Indonesia. Field research was conducted intermittently between 2003 and 2007 in Manusela village, located in the forest interior of central Seram. In 2003, the population of Manusela was about 320 (about 60 households). There is no navigable road to Manusela, and the villagers need to walk long distances as there are only trails to the coastal area. The journey from Manusela to the north coast takes two or three days. The journey from Manusela to the south coast takes one day on foot. The mountain people of Seram are highly dependent on sago, starch extracted from sago palm (Metroxylon spp.). Sago is mainly composed of pure starch. Therefore, game resources are indispensable for those who find it difficult to fish in coastal waters or to purchase fish or meat in local coastal markets. Cuscus (Phalanger orientalis, Spilocuscus maculates), Celebes wild boar (Sus celebensis), and Timor deer (Cervus timorensis) accounted for almost 90 percent of the wild animal food resources consumed by villagers, in terms of the amount of protein. Those animals are mainly caught by trapping. Primary forest is regarded as a hunting ground, and is called kaitahu. In the village territory (petuanan) of Manusela, the kaitahu is divided into more than 250 forest lots based on natural landmarks such as rivers and/or ridges. Although each forest lot belongs to a certain individual or group, kaitahu kua ('owner' of the forest), the actual forest use is non-exclusive. Anyone who obtains the permission of a kaitahu kua is allowed to trap or hunt game animals in the forest. In fact, most village men have conducted trapping or hunting in a forest owned by another kaitahu kua. Although forests, as hunting grounds, are always under the control of kaitahu kua, forests are also opened up to non-kaitahu kua as well. When the number of animals decreases, trapping or hunting is temporarily halted by the imposition of a customary ban, seli kaitahu. The kaitahu kua has the right to decide to impose seli kaitahu. The villager who imposes that temporary prohibition of the forest use prays to the spirits of the forest (awa and sira tana) and the ancestors (mutuaila) with offerings of tobacco for the restoration of the game population. No one can conduct trapping or hunting in a forest where seli kaitahu has been imposed. Villagers strongly believe that if they violate seli kaitahu, they cannot succeed in trapping or hunting, and they or their family members will surely meet with misfortune (sickness, etc.) because of the sanctions imposed by the awa, sira tana and mutuaila. The rule of seli kaitahu as a temporary prohibition of trapping or hunting is effectively enforced by supernatural enforcement mechanisms, which seem to eliminate competition among villagers for resources (game animals and hunting grounds), increased hunting pressure, and conflict among villagers over game resources. Therefore, it may be reasonable to conclude that IRM based on seli kaitahu contributes to enhancing the sustainability of the relationship between people over the resources, as well as the relationship between people and the resources. In Manusela, supernatural agents play an important role in monitoring forest use and imposing sanctions on the violator of seli kaitahu. Under that mechanism, obviously, the cost for monitoring and the imposition of sanctions is very low. Such supernatural enforcement mechanisms also seem to serve to prevent discord among villagers arising from the enforcement process, as it is not 'people' who handle violations of the rule. Those characteristics of IRM based on a supernatural enforcement mechanism might be suitable for the socio-cultural context in a community under study in which people have a strong disposition toward avoiding pointing out the error of others in face-to-face situations. In recent years, a few people have started to implement sasi greja, a temporary ban covering certain areas or resources enforced by the Church to prohibit villagers trapping or hunting in a certain forest lot. In this case, the Christian God has begun to take the place of forest spirits and mutuaila. Despite such change, supernatural agents still play an inevitable role in monitoring forest use and imposing sanctions on those violating the rules controlling forest use. In order to promote self-directed resource management by people who "coexist with supernatural agents," a reconsideration needs to be made of resource management measures implemented by outside agencies (NGOs and governments) which often break up the interrelationship between people and supernatural agents. A new model for resource management needs to be constructed: one that takes into consideration the local people's view of the supernatural world.