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  • 日本のキリスト教禁制による不審船転送要請と朝鮮の対清・対日関係 : イエズス会宣教師日本潜入事件とその余波

    木村 可奈子

    This article examines according to what information and for what reasons Japan attempted to set up a system for capturing suspicious foreign ships shipwrecked in Korean waters and the manner in which Joseon, which accepted the arrangement, implemented those transfer requests and disposed of the ships, within the context of its relations with Qing China and Japan. After its prohibition of Christianity and in the aftermath of the Jesuit Infiltration Plots of 1642 and 43, Japan requested that in the case of any suspicious ships adrift in Korean waters, Joseon divert them to Japan House (J: Wakan/K: Waegwan 倭館) in Pusan for transfer to Japan. From testimony given by Jesuit missionaries apprehended in the Infiltration Plots, the Japanese authorities were cognizant of the possibility that more missionaries would launch similar attempts from Korean shores and were thus on the alert. In order to maintain friendly relations between the two countries, Joseon accepted Japan's request, replying that it would divert all suspicious vessels to Japan House. The ships of Ming Dynasty subjects were frequently cast adrift upon Korean shores, and in the midst of the transition from the Ming to the Qing Dynasty, Joseon as a tributary of Qing was obligated to return Ming subjects to the Qing authorities, which opened the possibility that those people would be executed upon their arrival in Qing China. Upon the shipwreck of a Ming vessel in 1644, Joseon, which was thankful to the Ming Dynasty for defending her from Japanese invasion and felt obligated to help Ming subjects, tried to save the survivors by sending them to Japan under the pretense that they were possible Christian adherents. Pleased with Joseon's response, Japan requested that any suspicious ships adrift in Korean waters would continue to be diverted to Japan House. However, when the next Ming shipwreck occurred, a Qing Dynasty envoy happened to be visting Joseon, making it, impossible to transfer survivors to Japan without drawing the attention of the Qing envoy. On that occasion Joseon King Injo decided to confer with the envoy about how to deal with Ming survivors. Although the consultation did not take place due to the surrender of the Ming subjects to Qing authorities, Qing Dynasty, wary of the military alliance formed between the Ming Dynasty and Japan, forbade Joseon from sending Ming subjects to Japan. At the same time, Joseon reported to the Qing Dynasty the fact of Japan's request for the diversion of suspicious ships, as well as the dispatch of Ming envoys to Japan in search of military assistance, emphasizing a Japanese threat to Qing security, all in the hope of gaining such concessions as exemptions from Qing-imposed rice and maritime corvee duties, the lifting of prohibitions on the building and repair of military fortifications and the resumption of army training. Although Joseon's plan was initially successful, upon the enthronement of Joseon King Hyojong, Qing China reprimanded Joseon for citing a Japanese threat as an excuse for remilitarization. Consequently, fearing the anger of Qing China, Joseon proceeded to return all shipwrecked Ming subjects (with some exceptions) to the Qing authorities. Nevertheless, the debate continued within Joseon on the strength of strong anti-Qing sentiment as to whether or not to send shipwrecked Ming subjects to Japan as suspected Christian adherents.

    史学雑誌 124(1), 1-39, 2015


  • 石川淳「至福千年」論 : <憑依>の論理学・<憑依>の政治学

    山口 俊雄

    日本女子大学紀要. 文学部 62, 21-49, 2013-03-20

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  • 『沈黙』における異端性 : マラーノをめぐって

    伊藤 孝子

    The purpose of this paper is to consider the heretical view in Silence, which is a story based on historical facts. Reading this story, it is important to perceive its multiplex elements. Here, we notice that a minute examination of Ferreira's way of thinking is, in fact, the key to lead us to suspect him to be a Marrano. This suspicion becomes persuasive if he is contrasted with the other apostatizing priest, Rodorigo. Spinoza's Ethica is helpful in explaining and understanding Marranoism of Ferreira as a Jew passing for Catholic.

    Comparatio 8, 45-54, 2004

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  • 史料紹介 細井広沢編『測量秘言』

    平岡 隆二 , 日比 佳代子

    科学史研究. 第II期 43(230), 94-105, 2004-06-25

    参考文献21件 被引用文献1件

  • 語史的「自由」論 : 備忘録より

    小堀 桂一郎 , Keiichiro KOBORI , 明星大学言語文化学科 日本思想史 , Meisei University

    明星大学研究紀要. 日本文化学部・言語文化学科 = Bulletin of Meisei University. Department of Japanese and Comparative Literature, College of Japanese Culture (12), 13-32, 2004-03-25


  • イエズス会日本コレジオの宇宙論講義(2) (総合教育教室)

    森 ゆかり

    Part II of this essay deals with the following points in comparison. 3) What is the cosmic structure like beyond the planet Saturn? 4) Is the celestial region corruptible or incorruptible? Is it solid or fluid? Where are comets and novas located in the celestial region? Both Gomez and Conimbricenses assigned a precession of the equinoxes to the eighth sphere and a trepidation to the ninth sphere in their overall eleven-sphere cosmology. In contrast, Clavius assigned a precession of the equinoxes to the eighth sphere and the Copernican two librations to the ninth and the tenth spheres in his twelve-sphere cosmology. While Calvius's De sphaera grappled with novas and comets that challenged the defenders of traditional views. Jesuit cosmologies taught both in Portugal and Japan can be characterized as Renaissance Aristotelianism yet to incorporate the new diseoveries made by Tycho Brahe and others. However, much of their astronomical information was unknown to the majority of the Japanese at that time and could have contributed tremendously if the religio-political situations had been otherwise.

    愛知工業大学研究報告. A, 基礎教育センター論文集 36, 93-103, 2001-03-31

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  • イエズス会日本コレジオの宇宙論講義(1) (総合教育教室)

    森 ゆかり

    Despite the severe persecution of the Christians by the Japanese government, the Jesuit missionary, Pedro Gomez( : 1535-1600) compiled the astronomy lectures entitled De sphaera (1593) to instruct the students at the Jesuit college in Japan. Back in Europe. Jesuit scholars were very productive in astronomical publications. One example was the commentary of Sacrobosco's De sphaera by Christopher Clavius (1537-1612) and another was the commentary of Aristotle's De coelo, by a group of Jesuit scholars at the University of Coimbra, Portugal. Coimbra was exactly the place where Gomez served as a lecturer for eight years before he left the country for his overseas missions. In this paper, I will compare the cosmologies of Gomez and of his contemporary Jesuits in terms of the following points. l) What is the shape of the Empyrean heaven, supposedly the outermost surface of the universe? 2) What causes the celestial motions? Gomez's De sphaera and the Coimbra commentary of De coelo shared some distinct characteristics in common, such as the cubic shape of the outer surface of the Empyrean heaven and the angelic intellect as the motive force of the celestial spheres. The rest of the comparisons are to follow in Part II of this essay.

    愛知工業大学研究報告. A, 基礎教育センター論文集 36, 81-92, 2001-03-31

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  • 寛永鎖国と宣教師の入国問題 : イエスズ会巡察師A・ルビノ一行の日本入国事件を中心に

    清水 有子

    はしがき一 巡察師ルビノの日本布教方針二 マカオ使節の処刑と日本布教の決意三 日本密入国の意味四 日本密入国の実行過程と日本側の対応あとがき

    史学 69(2), 235-261, 2000-03

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  • 海外所在の日本歴史資料について(I)

    塙 叡 , Akira HANAWA , 東京工芸大学工学部

    東京工芸大学工学部紀要. 人文・社会編 = The Academic Reports, the Faculty of Engineering, Tokyo Polytechnic University 8, 82-67, 1987


  • キリシタン教会の財務担当パードレについて

    高瀬 弘一郎

    In the age of early Christianity in Japan the Society of Jesus had a procurador, father procurator who occupied himself with financial affairs. Clarifying the functions of the procurador would be one of the ways to understand the actual activities of the Christian mission in Japan. The procuradores of the Socidty of Jesus in Japan were appointed not only in Japan but also in Macao, Malacca, Goa, Lisbon and Madrid, and the one at Nagasaki is treated in this article. At first an effort is made to specify the names of the procradores and the dates of their taking and leaving the office. Next I treat the principal tasks imposed upon the procurador at Nagasaki, referring largely to the document, among some otihers, entitled "Regras do procurador de Japao", ("The regulations of the Procurador of Japan") made by the father visitor Alessandor Valignano in 1591 and revised and enlarged later by his successor Francisco Pasio. The procurador's tasks contained not only such ordinary businesses as providing and supplying money and necessaries, keeping books, etc., but also those which required more economic insights. Attending to the balance of accounts, he had to make an effort to increase the resources of the Society of Jesus in Japan, and he managed the trade which was one of the most important sources of income. Moreover, he acted as an intermediary for the Japanese trade with Macao. In addition he took a considerable part in determining the pancada, price at which the Portuguese merchants sold silk at Nagasaki. Especially the last two tasks mentioned above were completely external ones, and they indicates that the Christian missionaries had a deep relation to the Portuguese commerical activities. It can be said that such way of the Jesuit missionary works in Japan, in which the trade was involved in the activities of Church, was manifested intensively in the tasks of the procurador.

    社会経済史学 41(2), 105-130,210, 1975