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  • <論説>地租改正法の立法過程 (1)

    黒田 展之

    Chiso (land tax) is the major revenue of Meiji Government. Chiso Kaisei Ho (Land Tax Reform Law) is a program on reformation of land tax in Early Meiji. In this paper, we try to analyse, by decision-making analysis, the legislative process on Chiso Kaisei Ho. The following is the outline of the paper. Introduction I. Meiji Government and Land Tax 1. National Problem of Meiji Government. 2. Land Tax as a Political Issue. II. Formation of the Legislative Subject 1. Decision-Making in Early Meiji. 2. Emergency of Yushi-Sensei (Bureaucracy Dictatorship) 3. Okura-Syo Sozei-Ryo Kaisei-Kyoku. (Land Tax Reform Bureau in Financial Ministry) (continued) III. Bill of Chiso Kaisei Ho IV. Making of Chiso Kaisei Ho

    法と政治 27(3/4), 343-381, 1976-12-15

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  • 日本 : 近代 三(一九七五年の歴史学界 : 回顧と展望)

    渡辺 昭夫

    史学雑誌 85(5), 660-665, 1976


  • 日本 : 近代 一(一九七五年の歴史学界 : 回顧と展望)

    板垣 哲夫

    史学雑誌 85(5), 649-654, 1976


  • 自由・干渉教育論争と「教育権」思想の展開 : 明治10年代前半期における

    君島 茂 , Shigeru Kimijima , 平安女学院短期大学一般教育科

    平安女学院短期大学紀要 = Bulletin of Heian Jogakuin (St.Agnes') College 6, 33-40, 1975


  • 共同研究 宮城県近代学校体育成立史の研究(I) : 明治期の宮城県における学校体育の成立と展開

    千葉 昌弘 , 川村 巌 , 藤井 邦夫 , M. Chiba , I. Kawamura , K. Fujii , 仙台大学 , 仙台大学 , 仙台大学 , SENDAI COLLEGE , SENDAI COLLEGE , SENDAI COLLEGE

    In the early Meiji Period, When Japan set out on the road to the modernization, all of the nation's culture and educational leaders considered nation building and character building to be one and the same thing as a like Europe and America. In the educational Act of 1872-called "Gakusei," public school were established throught Japan. The process of the modernization of education in Japan may be traced both through the process of the organization of elementary school and through the westernization of the curricula, teaching method, etc. of the schools. Just at this time the school physical Education in Japan had begun. The object of this report (I) is to make analysis the process of the establishment of the modern school physical Education in the Meiji Period, based on the historial materals owned by Miyagi Prefecture. The contents are as follows; Preface I. The establishment of Modern school in Miyagi Prefecture, II. Military training in Sendai-Han School in the Edo era. III. Development of school Physical Education at Meiji period. IV. Begining of Athletic meeting at Miyagi Prefecture.

    仙台大学紀要 = Bulletin of Sendai College 6, 27-44, 1974-10-01


  • 自由民権期の教育権思想 : 明治7年から14年まで

    君島 茂 , Shigeru Kimijima , 平安女学院短期大学一般教育科

    平安女学院短期大学紀要 = Bulletin of Heian Jogakuin (St.Agnes') College 5, 1-8, 1974


  • 透谷の「富士」登山 : 明治十七年の透谷のすがた

    辻本 雄一

    日本文学 19(8), 36-49, 1970


  • 明治絶対主義国家の形成と「政体書」

    山口 光朔 , Kosaku Yamaguchi , 桃山学院大学 , St. Andrew's University

    With the abolition of the Tokugawa Shogunate on January 3, 1868, the Imperial Court was in an urgent need of creating a new political structure in place of the former Tycoon Government. In the eastern part of Japan at that time, however, remnants of the Shogunate were still rebelling against the Imperial Court. Moreover, among the Imperial Court's allies the two leading factions, i.e. the pro-coalition Federalists represented by the clans of Tosa and Owari, and the anti-Tokugawa Unionists of Satsuma and Choshn had been antagonizing each other since the Imperial Restoration Coup D'etat. Under such circumstances, the search of Japanese leaders for an ideal polity was one of split-up endeavor among the different political ideologies, and their efforts merely resulted in an elementary stage of development in the form of the vague and general statement of future policy. This statement is known as the Gokajo no Seimon (the Charter Oath) of the Meiji Emperor, which was formula,ted on April 6, 1868. The Gokajo no Seimon, as shown by its Article One, seemingly expresses an intention to adopt a democratic polity, but its content is altogether one of extreme ambiguity. Soon after this, another guidance to the future state was promulgated as the Seitaisho (the Organic Act) on June 11, 1868. This document, as compared with the Gokajo no Seimon, adovocates more specifically such political principles of modern and democratic nature as separation of powers, public election of government officials, respect for public deliberate judgment, etc. In reality, however, what was set forth in the Seitaisho had not been the least observed and its principles never put into practice. With gradual suppression of civil wars, the document had gone through a number of corrections and modifications until finally its original principles were completely mutilated. Subsequently, the Seitaisho went out of existence on August 15, 1869, when the Return of the Land-Registers by the Daimyd (feudal lords) to the Emperor was decreed. Investigation in this light tells us that the pro-coalition Federalists and the anti-Tokugawa Unionists, confronted with a double political crisis of the state, one being the persistent civil wars and the other the colonization of Japan by Western Powers, had already been of necessity brought into ostensible understanding as the formulation of the Gokajd no Seimon, They both favored and confirmed the common political route to form a centralized authoritarian state under the reign of the Emperor. As an excessive means to put the route on the beam in a positive way, they hastily fabricated a political system that seemed to have been patterned, without due consideration, upon the Western structure of government, whereas in their actual political activities, they laid the foundations for an autocratic authoritarian political structure under the disguise of their outward strive. We are now entitled to suppose that the Seitaisho was nothing but a mere political tool that those leaders, hailing from the four clans then empowered by the Imperial Court (Satsuma, Choshu, Hizen and Tosa), used for their own purposes, that is, exploited it for their personal interests. Other minor powers, being disillusioned and sidetracked by the apparently democratic principles of the Seitaisho, engaged in a futile series of armchair arguments in the Deliberative Assembly, only to take a back seat to the steady effort of the government leaders toward the formation of a centralized authoritarian state. Thus, the period between June 11, 1868, and August 15, 1869, should be regarded as one in which were made finishing touches to completely dissolve the Tycoon government structure to let the idea of authoritarianism come to stay, and finally to establish a strong central government. A very effective and ingeneous device is indeed what one can call the Seitaisho that the government leaders of the early Meiji period created in order to carry out this tremendous political undertaking.

    桃山学院大学経済学論集 = ST. ANDREW'S UNIVERSITY ECONOMIC REVIEW 6(1), ????, 1964-08-01


  • <論説>明治初期の財務行政 : 会計検査院の成立過程

    加藤 一明

    While the budget systems of the advanced modern countries of Europe and America have been formed through civil revolutions, the processes of establishment of the Japanese budget system were closely related with the political and economic problems which the new Meiji Government had to face, and naturally they had complicated characteristics. Some, who are of the opinion that no budget system had existed before the former constitution was enacted in the 22th year of Meiji (1889), assert that what was seemingly a budget system in the early period of Meiji Era was only the financial system of the statesmen who ran the contemporary government. On the other hand, many students contend that they find the first appearance in Japan of a substantial budget system in the announcement of "the Accounting Table of the Estimate and Appropriation" in the fifth year of Meiji (1873). But the present writer maintains that because what we call a budget and a settlement of accounts are a pair of successive processes and each of them is only a part of a cycle, a mere adoption of a budget is not enough and it is not until a substantial settlement of accounts is adopted that a budget sustem can be really established. Therefore, this paper deals with the period ending in the 15th year of Meiji (1882) when the General Accounting Office was founded, with a substantial settlement of accounts adopted. Although in its first stage, the Japanese budget system was based and modelled on that of the U.S.A. Government, in the 13th year of Meiji (1880) the General Accounting Office granted with the rights to audit accounting and a settlement of accounts was established under the direct control of "Dajokan"-the Cabinet-and then the same office was remodelled into the one holding just the right to audit accounts in 1882. Since then, they tried to consolidate the Office under the Japanese Imperial Constitution, regarding the budget systems of European countries as a guide. This process tells us that a budget system of a European type took the place of that of an American type. The writer has attempted to make clear the processes of establishment of the General Accounting Office and at the same time the passage of the system from being American to being European in character. In connection with these matters, he has examined introduction of the financial system of the U.S.A. into Japan, taking into consideration establishment of "Kantokushi" (the Bureau of the Auditor) in the 2nd year of Meiji (1869) and that of "Kensa ryo" (the Bureau of the Comptroller) in the 4th year of Meiji (1871) and their activities, and then he has studied the process of the settlement of the budget system with the announcement of "the Accounting Table" in 1873,through the activities of "Kensaryo" and "Kensakyoku" (the Bureau of the Comptoller) which was set up in the 10th year of Meiji (1877). Lastly, he has inquired into the significance of founding the General Accounting Office and the process and the meaning of the reform in which the Office was granted with only the right to audit accounts.

    法と政治 13(2), 171-230, 1962-07-30

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  • 軍人勅諭成立史の研究

    梅渓 昇

    'Gunjin chokuyu' was not only the moral support for modern Japanese military forces, but also together with 'Kyoiku chokugo' (教育勅語) the ideological support for the modern Japan-a 'tennosei kokka' (天皇制国家) with its dualistic state organization of 'kokutani' (国体) and 'rikkensei' (立憲制)-from the Meiji era down to the defeat of Japan in World War II. A study on the drafting of 'Gunjin chokuyu' of such historical significance was something entirely undreamt of. in prewar days, important as it was, on account of the lapse of academic freedom under the control of 'tennosei kokka', leading to total suppression, on the part of the military authorities, of the source of 'Gunjin chokuyu', defying whatever inquiry into the subject. Such being the case, the students at that time had to content themselves with a bare investigation of 'seishi' (聖旨) of the Emperor Meiji. As the result, their historical studies on the source arid process of drafting were nothing but nominal, because they had to go without any reference to the political and authoritarian implications in 'Gunjin chokuyu'. Indeed, those pre-war studies had to be carried out, quite independent of the political elements contributing to the absolute supremacy of that 'Chokuyu'. This is not the case with 'Meiji kempo' (明治憲法) or 'Kyoiku chokugo'; for the fundamental materials of the latter two were generally open to the public, and the precess of drafting of the two was actually being investigated even before the war. So much the less has been the fruit of the studies of 'Gunjin chokuyu'. The present writer has been fortunate enough to get access to the fundamental materials of 'Gunjin chokuyu', and in view of these extant conditions, has undertaken to study afresh all kinds of circumstances leading to the drafting of 'chokuyu' and political backgrounds of the drafting, and to clarify all the internal circumstances attending to the course of drafting, and furthermore to throw light on the historical meaning of the coming into being of 'chokuyu'. A study of the origin of 'Gunjin chokuyu' is indispensable in the history of the foundation of modern Japanese military, and particularly in making clear its characteristics, and at the same time, as 'chokuyu' had a great influence upon political, social and thought evolution of modern Japan, embodying as it did the ideas of 'tennosei kokka', any such study is important to define some specific characters of modernized Japan, and will give some suggestions in these days when we are in need of a doctrine of democratized military forces and the founding of a new outlook for the nation.

    大阪大學文學部紀要 8, 77-273, 1961-11-25

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