共同研究プロジェクト紹介 基幹型 : 日本語疑問文の通時的・対照言語学的研究 日本語の疑問文の歴史素描  [in Japanese] A Sketch of the History of Japanese Interrogatives  [in Japanese]

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Abstract

疑問文の研究の視点を整理した上で,衣畑(2014a, 2014b),野村(2001),高宮(2003)等に沿って日本語疑問文の歴史的変化の方向性やその動機づけ等について概観する。衣畑(2014b)によれば,前上代においては,焦点位置に「か」を置くという原則だけで疑問文形成の説明ができたが,上代に肯否疑問文の焦点位置に「や」も置かれるようになり,中古には疑問詞疑問文と肯否疑問文を区別する方向性が強められたとする。本稿では,なぜ肯否疑問文の領域に「や」が進出してきたのかという問いを立て,その説明のためには「か」と「や」の機能の違いに着目すべきであるということを主張する。さらに衣畑(2014b)では,中世にいったん疑問詞疑問文から「か」が消えたとするが,竹村・金水(2014)では中世末期のキリシタン資料で「か」文末の疑問詞疑問文が一定量存在することを示している。本稿では,竹村・金水論文で示された「ぞ」文末疑問詞疑問文と「か」文末疑問詞疑問文の性質の違いを踏まえ,「リスト表現」という形式の発達,および間接疑問文の発達という観点から,この新しい「か」文末疑問詞疑問文の起源についての仮説を提示する。

This paper studies diachronic change in interrogatives in Japanese. The goal is to understand how and why Japanese interrogatives have developed historically. After giving a general survey of interrogatives, I review some of the previous studies, including Kinuhata (2014a, 2014b), Nomura (2001) and Takamiya (2003). I then present my own analysis, paying special attention to the interrogative particles ya, ka, and zo. According to Kinuhata (2014b), interrogatives developed as follows: (i) in Pre-Old Japanese (Zen Jodai) interrogatives were formed by addition of the particle ka in focus position, (ii) in Old Japanese (Jodai) the particle ya began appearing in focus position in yes-no questions, and (iii) in Late Old Japanese (Chuko) the distinction between yes-no and wh-questions became clearer as ya became more dominant in yes-no questions. The question then arises: why did the particle ya start appearing in yes-no questions (in stage (ii) above)? The answer, I suggest, is a functional difference between ka and ya. Finally, although Kinuhata (2014b) claims that the particle ka disappeared in wh-questions in Middle Japanese (Chusei), Takemura and Kinsui (2014) show through close examination of Christian documents (Kirishitan shiryo, from the late 16th and early 17th centuries) that some wh-questions in the late Middle Japanese did in fact end with ka. In the remainder of the paper, I propose an analysis of the origin of wh-questions with the ka ending. To support my analysis, I discuss how zo-final and ka-final wh-questions are different in nature, along with the historical developments of indirect questions and exemplification forms (which I tentatively call "example listing" (list hyogen)).

Journal

  • NINJAL project review

    NINJAL project review 5, 108-121, 2015-06

    National Institute for Japanese Language and Linguistics

Codes

  • NII Article ID (NAID)
    110009877280
  • NII NACSIS-CAT ID (NCID)
    AA12536273
  • Text Lang
    JPN
  • Article Type
    departmental bulletin paper
  • ISSN
    2185-0100
  • NDL Article ID
    026648290
  • NDL Call No.
    Z72-D478
  • Data Source
    NDL  NII-ELS  IR 
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