THE DATIVE ALTERNATION AS A-MOVEMENT OUT OF A SMALL CLAUSE CP

• OGAWA YOSHIKI

  Graduate School of Information Sciences Tohoku University

Abstract

In this article, focusing on the dative alternation with the Give Verbs and Verbs of Future Having, we propose (i) that the V-NP-PP construction and the double object construction (DOC) share the same underlying structure, which involves a small clause CP headed by the invisible verb HAVE, which is an amalgamation of the invisible copula BE and the invisible adposition TO, and (ii) that the former is derived from the latter, by the excorporation of TO out of HAVE, the C-to-V incorporation, and the A-movement of the Theme NP across the CP boundary. We argue that every movement across a CP-boundary is constrained by the Phase Impenetrability Condition (PIC), from which a syntactic solution is given to the question why certain double object verbs lack the V-NP-PP variant. It is argued that the legitimate derivation of the V-NP-PP variant from the DOC is subject to the PIC, since the C-to-V in-corporation, which is independently constrained by the temporal equivalence condition, enables movement to the matrix Spec of the matrix non-phase head V, which is otherwise inapplicable.

Journal

• ENGLISH LINGUISTICS

  ENGLISH LINGUISTICS 25 (1), 93-126, 2008

  The English Linguistic Society of Japan

Keywords

• dative alternation
• decomposition of <i>have</i>
• TO-excorporation
• Phase Impenetrability Condition
• C-to-V incorporation
• temporal equivalence condition

Details

• CRID: 1390282680304727808
• NII Article ID: 130003650990
• DOI: 10.9793/elsj1984.25.93
• ISSN: 18843107
• ISSN: 09183701
• Text Lang: en
• Data Source:
  • JaLC
  • Crossref
  • CiNii Articles
• Abstract License Flag: Disallowed