Tone in lexical phonology
著者
書誌事項
Tone in lexical phonology
（Studies in natural language and linguistic theory, 4）
D. Reidel, c1986
- : hard
- : pbk
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注記
A revision of thesis (Ph. D.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1983
Bibliography: p. 237-241
Includes indexes
内容説明・目次
内容説明
This book is a revised version of my Ph.D. dissertation that was submitted to the Massachusetts Institute of Technology in 1983. Although much of the analysis and argumentation of the dissertation has survived rewriting, the organization has been considerably changed. To Paul Kiparsky and Morris Halle, lowe a major debt. Not only has it been a great privilege to work on phonology with both of them, but it is hard to imagine what this piece of research would have looked like without them. (They, of course, may well imagine a number of appropriate ways in which the work could be different had I not been involved .... ) In addition, special thanks are due to Ken Hale, the third member of my thesis committee. Our discussions of a variety of topics (including tone) helped me to keep a broader outlook on language than might have otherwise been the result of concentrating on a thesis topic.
目次
one: Introduction.- 1. Lexical Phonology.- 1.1. Strata.- 1.2. The Cycle.- 1.3. Bracket Erasure.- 1.4. The Model.- 1.5. Stratum Domain Hypothesis.- 1.6. Lexical Exceptions.- 1.7. Structure Preservation.- 1.8. Summary.- 1.9. Phonetic Rules.- 2. Tiered Phonology.- 2.1. Association Conventions.- 2.2. When do the Conventions Apply?.- 2.3. Linking of Tiers.- 2.4. Default Values and the 'Phonemic Core'.- 2.5. Extratonality.- 2.6. Final Remarks.- 3. Tone and Lexical Phonology.- 3.1. Where are Tones Assigned?.- 3.2. Cyclic Tone Association.- 3.3. Constraints on Linkings.- 3.4. Lexical vs. Post-lexical.- 3.5. Underspecification.- Notes.- Two: The Relevance of Downstep for a Phonetic Component.- 1. Introduction.- 2. Some General Properties of Downstep.- 3. The Overall Model.- 4. Downstep in Tiv: Evidence for Floating L-tones.- 4.1. Falling Contours.- 4.2. H-spread.- 4.3. Against Downstep as Pre-assigned Foot Structure.- 5. Downstep in Dschang: More Evidence for Floating Tones.- 5.1. Nouns in Isolation.- 5.1.1. Downglide.- 5.1.2. Downstep.- 5.2. Downstep in the Associative Construction.- 5.2.1. !H ? M.- 5.2.2. Downstepped H-tones.- 5.2.3. The Location of Downsteps.- 5.2.4. Downstepped L-tones.- 5.2.5. Problems with Floating Tones.- 5.2.5.1. No Metathesis Over a Word-boundary.- 5.2.5.2. Overgeneration of Floating L-tones.- 5.2.5.3. Overgeneration of Floating H-tones.- 5.2.6. Floating Tones vs. Pre-assigned Foot Structure.- 5.2.7. Assignment of Rules to Domains.- 5.3. Other Analyses of Dschang.- 6. Post-lexical vs. Phonetic Rules.- Notes.- Three: Morphological Encoding and the Association Conventions.- 1. Introduction.- 2. The Cycle.- 2.1. In Tiv.- 2.2. In Margi.- 2.3. In Tonga.- 2.4. Morphological Asymmetries.- 3. Association Conventions.- 3.1. Against Automatic Multiple-linking.- 3.2. Against Automatic Spreading.- 3.2.1. Spreading in Tiv.- 3.2.1.1. Past Tense Forms.- 3.2.1.2. H-spread.- 3.2.1.3. Habitual 3.- 3.2.2. Spreading in Margi.- 3.2.3. Underspecification.- 3.2.4. Alternatives.- 4. Morphological Encoding - Alternative Approaches.- 4.1. Boundary Symbols.- 4.2. Stem-tone Variables.- Notes.- Four: Underspecification.- 1. Introduction.- 2. Default Rules.- 3. Yala Ikom Reduplication.- 4. Yoruba.- 4.1. V-deletion.- 4.1.1. M-tones are Unspecified.- 4.1.2. L-tones are Specified.- 4.1.3. The Relinking Condition.- 4.1.4. M-tone Verbs - More Evidence for Underlying Tonelessness.- 4.1.5. L-tone Verbs: a Case of Neutralization.- 4.2. High Tone Concord.- 4.3. An Alternative to Underspecification.- 5. Values for Default Rules.- 5.1. Tonal Features and Default Values.- 5.2. Default L vs. Default M.- 5.2.1. Binary vs. Ternary Features.- 5.2.2. Application of the Sub-register Default Rule.- 6. Constraints on Underspecification.- 7. Ordering of Default Rules.- 7.1. Extrinsic Ordering.- 7.2. Assignment of Rules to Components.- 8. Referring to Free Skeletal Positions.- 9. Core Values vs. Autosegments.- 10. Conclusion.- Notes.- Five: Accent.- 1. Introduction.- 2. Diacritics.- 2.1. Restrictiveness.- 2.2. In Favour of Diacritics?.- 2.2.1. 'Culminative' Function and Accent 'Subordination'.- 2.2.2. Distributional Constraints.- 2.2.3. Symmetry.- 3. Melodies.- 4. Tonga.- 4.1. Default Values.- 4.2. Accented Nouns.- 4.3. Verb Bases: Floating H-tones.- 4.4. Initial H-deletion.- 4.5. Meeussen's Rule.- 4.6. Free-tone Linking.- 4.7. The Recent Past (Strong) Tense.- 4.8. Stable Final Vowel Accent.- 4.9. Imperative.- 5. Conclusion.- Notes.- Six: Rule Properties.- 1. Introduction.- 2. Prelinking.- 3. Extratonality: the Case of Margi.- 3.1. Suffixed Object Pronouns.- 3.2. Genitive Constructions.- 4. Polarity.- 4.1. Extratonality: Margi Revisited.- 4.1.1. Present Tense.- 4.1.2. Past Tense - and a Revised Peripherally Condition.- 4.1.3. Subject Clitics - and Bracket Erasure.- 4.2. The Issue of Indeterminacy.- 5. Assignment of Rules to Components.- 5.1. Lexical Constraints.- 5.1.1. Contour Tones and Syllable Structure in Tiv.- 5.1.2. Constraints on Rule Application.- 5.2. Ordering of Rules.- 5.3. The Strict Cycle.- 5.3.1. Lexical Spreading of Linked Tones.- 5.3.2. Distinctness.- 5.3.3. Across-the-board Application.- Notes.- References.- Index of Languages.- Index of Names.- Index of Subjects.
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