CiNii 図書 - The papers of Ulysses S. Grant

v. 1. 1837-1861 -- v. 2. April-September 1861 -- v. 3. October 1, 1861-January 7, 1862 -- v. 4. January 8-March 31, 1862 -- v. 5. April 1-August 31, 1862 -- v. 6. September 1-December 8, 1862 -- v. 7. December 9, 1862-March 31, 1863 -- v. 8. April 1-July6, 1863 -- v. 9. July 7-December 31, 1863 -- v. 10. January 1-May 31, 1864 -- v. 11. June 1-August 15, 1864 -- v. 12. August 16-November 15, 1864 -- v. 13. November 16, 1864-February 20, 1865 -- v. 14. February 21-April 30, 1865 -- v. 15. May 1-December 31, 1865 -- v. 16. 1866 -- v. 17. January 1-September 30, 1867 -- v. 18. October 1, 1867-June 30, 1868 -- v. 19. July 1, 1868-October 31, 1869 -- v. 20. November 1, 1869-October 31, 1870 -- v. 21. November 1, 1870-May 31, 1871 -- v. 22. June 1, 1871-January 31, 1872 -- v. 23. February 1-December 31, 1872 -- v. 24. 1873.

In the period covered by Volume 6 of this distinguished series, Grant again drove deep into the Confederacy, dis playing an instinct for the offensive lacking in other chief commanders. But by the end of the year Confederate suc cesses had forced Grant to abandon all ground he had won. It was, nevertheless, an important period in Grant's career. Command of the Army of the Tennessee brought Grant, a former slaveholder, into the heart of the Cotton Kingdom and to issuing the notorious General Order No. 11, expelling the Jews from his department. Increasingly important administrative responsibilities involved Grant in relationships with other gen erals. And though Grant's Mississippi Central Campaign ended at the close of the year with no permanent gains, he had increased in stature as a military administrator and warrior possessing the vital talent needed in a successful command system.

v. 1. 1837-1861 -- v. 2. April-September 1861 -- v. 3. October 1, 1861-January 7, 1862 -- v. 4. January 8-March 31, 1862 -- v. 5. April 1-August 31, 1862 -- v. 6. September 1-December 8, 1862 -- v. 7. December 9, 1862-March 31, 1863 -- v. 8. April 1-July6, 1863 -- v. 9. July 7-December 31, 1863 -- v. 10. January 1-May 31, 1864 -- v. 11. June 1-August 15, 1864 -- v. 12. August 16-November 15, 1864 -- v. 13. November 16, 1864-February 20, 1865 -- v. 14. February 21-April 30, 1865 -- v. 15. May 1-December 31, 1865 -- v. 16. 1866 -- v. 17. January 1-September 30, 1867 -- v. 18. October 1, 1867-June 30, 1868 -- v. 19. July 1, 1868-October 31, 1869 -- v. 20. November 1, 1869-October 31, 1870 -- v. 21. November 1, 1870-May 31, 1871 -- v. 22. June 1, 1871-January 31, 1872 -- v. 23. February 1-December 31, 1872 -- v. 24. 1873.

Volume 7 documents Grant's winter of discontent. In late December, his Mississippi Central campaign, an overland drive toward Vicksburg, was fatally dis rupted by Confederate cavalry raids. Forced to withdraw northward, Grant could not apply pressure on the enemy when Major General William T. Sher man attacked Vicksburg directly. Sher man suffered a disastrous repulse at Chickasaw Bayou, and Grant pulled back to Memphis and, during the win ter, continued to cope with the myriad administrative problems of his de partment. Balancing the North's need for cotton against the need to prevent cash from flowing to the enemy created constant tension. Infuriated by unscrupulous cotton speculators, Grant issued orders on December 17 expelling the Jews from his department. This controversial and puzzling document receives extensive analysis in this volume.

v. 1. 1837-1861 -- v. 2. April-September 1861 -- v. 3. October 1, 1861-January 7, 1862 -- v. 4. January 8-March 31, 1862 -- v. 5. April 1-August 31, 1862 -- v. 6. September 1-December 8, 1862 -- v. 7. December 9, 1862-March 31, 1863 -- v. 8. April 1-July6, 1863 -- v. 9. July 7-December 31, 1863 -- v. 10. January 1-May 31, 1864 -- v. 11. June 1-August 15, 1864 -- v. 12. August 16-November 15, 1864 -- v. 13. November 16, 1864-February 20, 1865 -- v. 14. February 21-April 30, 1865 -- v. 15. May 1-December 31, 1865 -- v. 16. 1866 -- v. 17. January 1-September 30, 1867 -- v. 18. October 1, 1867-June 30, 1868 -- v. 19. July 1, 1868-October 31, 1869 -- v. 20. November 1, 1869-October 31, 1870 -- v. 21. November 1, 1870-May 31, 1871 -- v. 22. June 1, 1871-January 31, 1872 -- v. 23. February 1-December 31, 1872 -- v. 24. 1873.

Following the 1862-63 winter of dis content, Grant suddenly launched a brilliant campaign against Vicksburg which ultimately bisected the Confeder acy. A long campaign, which had begun in November 1862, with an advance from Tennessee down the Mississippi Central Railroad and a premature assault on Vicksburg in December by troops under Sherman, and which had been fol lowed by long months of false starts and apparent inactivity in the bayou country north of the city and across the Mis sissippi River in Louisiana, suddenly reached a quick and dramatic conclu sion, as the events in this volume show.

v. 1. 1837-1861 -- v. 2. April-September 1861 -- v. 3. October 1, 1861-January 7, 1862 -- v. 4. January 8-March 31, 1862 -- v. 5. April 1-August 31, 1862 -- v. 6. September 1-December 8, 1862 -- v. 7. December 9, 1862-March 31, 1863 -- v. 8. April 1-July6, 1863 -- v. 9. July 7-December 31, 1863 -- v. 10. January 1-May 31, 1864 -- v. 11. June 1-August 15, 1864 -- v. 12. August 16-November 15, 1864 -- v. 13. November 16, 1864-February 20, 1865 -- v. 14. February 21-April 30, 1865 -- v. 15. May 1-December 31, 1865 -- v. 16. 1866 -- v. 17. January 1-September 30, 1867 -- v. 18. October 1, 1867-June 30, 1868 -- v. 19. July 1, 1868-October 31, 1869 -- v. 20. November 1, 1869-October 31, 1870 -- v. 21. November 1, 1870-May 31, 1871 -- v. 22. June 1, 1871-January 31, 1872 -- v. 23. February 1-December 31, 1872 -- v. 24. 1873.

When Vicksburg fell, Washington promoted Grant to major general in the U.S. Army, which meant that Grant, already a major general of volunteers, would retain his rank after the war. Only three other officers on active duty held this rank, none of them commanding in the field. At Vicksburg Grant supervised the parole of 30,000 pris oners. His victory there had opened trade on the Mississippi; for a short time his duty also consisted of making sure the Union, not the Confederacy, benefited from this newly opened route. At the end of August Grant went to New Orleans to confer about an attack on Mobile, Alabama. After being sidelined fol lowing a fall from his horse-which revived rumors of his drinking-Grant entered Chattanooga to open a supply line to besieged Chickamauga, Georgia. He then coordinated an assault that delivered Chickamauga into Union hands, and before the end of the year he had driven the Confederates from Tennessee. Congress voted him a gold medal, discussed a bill to revive the rank of lieutenant general, and both parties considered him as a potential candidate for Congress. Grant carefully composed his letters to discourage his political supporters. As usual, Grant meant what he said: he was a soldier who wanted the oppor tunity to fulfill his responsibility.

v. 1. 1837-1861 -- v. 2. April-September 1861 -- v. 3. October 1, 1861-January 7, 1862 -- v. 4. January 8-March 31, 1862 -- v. 5. April 1-August 31, 1862 -- v. 6. September 1-December 8, 1862 -- v. 7. December 9, 1862-March 31, 1863 -- v. 8. April 1-July6, 1863 -- v. 9. July 7-December 31, 1863 -- v. 10. January 1-May 31, 1864 -- v. 11. June 1-August 15, 1864 -- v. 12. August 16-November 15, 1864 -- v. 13. November 16, 1864-February 20, 1865 -- v. 14. February 21-April 30, 1865 -- v. 15. May 1-December 31, 1865 -- v. 16. 1866 -- v. 17. January 1-September 30, 1867 -- v. 18. October 1, 1867-June 30, 1868 -- v. 19. July 1, 1868-October 31, 1869 -- v. 20. November 1, 1869-October 31, 1870 -- v. 21. November 1, 1870-May 31, 1871 -- v. 22. June 1, 1871-January 31, 1872 -- v. 23. February 1-December 31, 1872 -- v. 24. 1873.

In the winter of 1864 while Grant prepared for the inevitable spring campaign in Georgia, Congress revived the rank of lieu tenant general for the purpose of giving it to its most victorious general. When the bill passed, President Lincoln called Grant to Washington to receive his commission and to assume command of all the armies. Major General Henry W. Halleck, who became Grant's chief of staff, then handled administrative matters and implemented the commander's orders, thus creating a modern chain of com mand and freeing Grant to take the field. Accompanying the Army of the Potomac, Grant planned a coordinated spring cam paign of all the armies. Lincoln's response to the plan-"Those not skinning can hold a leg"-delighted Grant. He soon learned, however, that some commanders, notably Major Gen erals Nathaniel P. Banks, Benjamin F. Butler, and Franz Sigel, would let the legs slip from their grasp. Grant's arrival was greeted with scant enthusiasm by the Army of the Potomac. By not bringing in victorious generals from the western armies and by quietly conveying his confidence in his own troops, however, he soon raised morale. By the time his army crossed the Rapidan in early May it was ready for a series of bloody battles with General Robert E. Lee. May ended with the armies massed for an encounter at Cold Harbor. Grant suffered heavy casualties but was determined to "fight it out on this line if it takes all summer." Evaluation of Grant's success that May depends on whether one checks the maps or the casualty figures. Grant pushed Lee back to Rich mond, but the cost was awesome. Although Grant remained informed on the basis of reports sent to Halleck and copied for him, correspondence not ad dressed to Grant has been excluded from this book unless it is essential to understanding Grant's own letters. As he moved into Virginia, Grant's correspondence increased in volume and significance. Halleck's new position relieved Grant, and later his editors and readers, of much routine army business.

v. 1. 1837-1861 -- v. 2. April-September 1861 -- v. 3. October 1, 1861-January 7, 1862 -- v. 4. January 8-March 31, 1862 -- v. 5. April 1-August 31, 1862 -- v. 6. September 1-December 8, 1862 -- v. 7. December 9, 1862-March 31, 1863 -- v. 8. April 1-July6, 1863 -- v. 9. July 7-December 31, 1863 -- v. 10. January 1-May 31, 1864 -- v. 11. June 1-August 15, 1864 -- v. 12. August 16-November 15, 1864 -- v. 13. November 16, 1864-February 20, 1865 -- v. 14. February 21-April 30, 1865 -- v. 15. May 1-December 31, 1865 -- v. 16. 1866 -- v. 17. January 1-September 30, 1867 -- v. 18. October 1, 1867-June 30, 1868 -- v. 19. July 1, 1868-October 31, 1869 -- v. 20. November 1, 1869-October 31, 1870 -- v. 21. November 1, 1870-May 31, 1871 -- v. 22. June 1, 1871-January 31, 1872 -- v. 23. February 1-December 31, 1872 -- v. 24. 1873.

On June 2, 1864, Ulysses S. Grant postponed until the following morning an assault on Confederate lines near Cold Harbor planned for that afternoon because of delays in positioning troops. In the meantime, Confederate forces strengthened their lines, and the assault became a slaughter that haunted Grant for the rest of his life. Thus began a summer of frustration for the general-in-chief of the U.S. Army. By failing to press their advantage, Major General William F. “Baldy” Smith and Major General Ambrose E. Burnside in a six-week period fumbled two genuine opportunities to defeat Lee’s army. Annoyed by the constant calls of Major Generals William S. Rosecrans and Samuel R. Curtis for reinforcements in Missouri and Kansas, he wrote that “I am satisfied you would hear the same call if they were stationed in Maine.” Confederate forces commanded by Lieutenant General Jubal A. Early again threatened Washington, forcing Grant to send two army corps to defend the capital and to push the invaders back into the Shenandoah Valley. The pressure took its toll on his health: migraine headaches followed such setbacks as the battle of the Crater.

v. 1. 1837-1861 -- v. 2. April-September 1861 -- v. 3. October 1, 1861-January 7, 1862 -- v. 4. January 8-March 31, 1862 -- v. 5. April 1-August 31, 1862 -- v. 6. September 1-December 8, 1862 -- v. 7. December 9, 1862-March 31, 1863 -- v. 8. April 1-July6, 1863 -- v. 9. July 7-December 31, 1863 -- v. 10. January 1-May 31, 1864 -- v. 11. June 1-August 15, 1864 -- v. 12. August 16-November 15, 1864 -- v. 13. November 16, 1864-February 20, 1865 -- v. 14. February 21-April 30, 1865 -- v. 15. May 1-December 31, 1865 -- v. 16. 1866 -- v. 17. January 1-September 30, 1867 -- v. 18. October 1, 1867-June 30, 1868 -- v. 19. July 1, 1868-October 31, 1869 -- v. 20. November 1, 1869-October 31, 1870 -- v. 21. November 1, 1870-May 31, 1871 -- v. 22. June 1, 1871-January 31, 1872 -- v. 23. February 1-December 31, 1872 -- v. 24. 1873.

In the spring of 1871, Ulysses S. Grant wrote to an old friend that as president he was ""the most persecuted individual on the Western Continent."" Grant had not sought the office, and halfway through his first term he chafed under its many burdens. Grant's cherished project to annex Santo Domingo, begun early in his administration, entered a crucial period. Grant agreed to a tactical compromise: Rather than vote the controversial treaty down, Congress sent a commission to investigate the island. Grant's message submitting the report, hammered out over labored drafts, bore a defensive tone and asked Congress to postpone any decision. Closer to home, Grant sought legislation to facilitate federal intervention in the persecution of blacks by white extremists across the South. After much acrimony and stinging accusations of executive tyranny, Congress passed an Enforcement Act, hailed by Grant as ""a law of extraordinary public importance."" The greatest accomplishment of Grant's first term came in foreign relations. After secret negotiations, the United States and Great Britain met in a Joint High Commission to settle long-standing grievances, from boundary and fishing questions to British complicity in the depredations of the Alabama and other Confederate raiders. The resulting Treaty of Washington established an international tribunal in Geneva, Switzerland. At home, economic prosperity and consequent debt reduction meant that Grant could see ""no reason why in a few short years the national taxgatherer may not disappear from the door of the citizen almost entirely."" His Indian policy, influenced by Eastern Quakers and often ridiculed for its benevolence, augured well. Despite continued clashes between Indians and settlers, Grant maintained that compassion rather than force would answer the Indian problem.

In his third annual message to the nation, Ulysses S. Grant stated the obvious: ""The condition of the Southern States is, unhappily, not such as all true patriotic citizens would like to see."" Brutal attacks and political murders throughout the South prompted Grant to invoke the new Enforcement Act, ordering in troops and suspending the writ of habeas corpus. When fire swept through Chicago during 1871, Grant immediately telegraphed to General Philip H. Sheridan to ""Render all the aid you can."" When Illinois' governor charged federal interference, Grant replied: ""The only thing thought of was how to benefit a people struck by a calamity greater than had ever befallen a community, of the same number, before in this country."" Grant's July Fourth proclamation announced British ratification of the Treaty of Washington. Elsewhere, the civil war in Cuba furnished a constant irritant. An exasperated Grant warned that each new atrocity strengthened American public opinion against Spain. Telling a friend ""It will be a happy day for me when I am out of political life,"" Grant nevertheless cast a keen eye over the political landscape, looking toward the 1872 election. In another letter, never sent, he surveyed opposition within his own party, deftly characterized Horace Greeley as ""a genius without common sense,"" and saved his worst for Senator Charles Sumner, a man he called ""unreasonable, cowardly, slanderous, unblushing false."" Despite his lack of zeal for presidential duties-he confessed: ""I believe I am lazy and dont get credit for it""-Grant was not about to yield power to such scorned enemies.

Notified of his nomination for a second term in June 1872, Ulysses S. Grant accepted, promising ""the same zeal and devotion to the good of the whole people for the future of my official life, as shown in the past."" Challenged by a coalition of disaffected Republicans and Democrats led by New York Tribune editor Horace Greeley, Grant was privately optimistic about his own chances. ""There has been no time from the Baltimore Convention to this when I have felt the least anxiety. The Soreheads & thieves who have deserted the republican party have strengthened it by their departure."" Despite his confidence, Grant found it difficult to ignore attacks against him—attacks that prudence prevented him from answering directly. He found vindication, however, on election day, when he carried all but six states. When Greeley died soon afterward, Grant set aside any bitterness and joined mourners at the New York City funeral. Among the policies that voters tacitly endorsed were Grant's continuing efforts to quell violence in the South, which achieved some success during 1872. He sought as before to support and encourage embattled Southern Republicans, hoping eventually to replace military protection with political legitimacy. On the subject of civil rights, he repeated his desire that blacks receive equal treatment in everyday life, telling a delegation that ""a ticket on a railroad or other conveyance should entitle you to all that it does other men."" Grant also maintained a steady course toward Indians, defending his peace policy when many clamored for harsher measures. ""I do not believe our Creator ever placed different races of men on this earth with the view of having the stronger exert all his energies in exterminating the weaker."" Protestant and Catholic missionaries and laymen continued to spread the twin gospels of religion and civilization among the various tribes. When a Sioux delegation visited the White House, Grant spoke of the future when ""the game will be gone"" and of his hope that the Sioux would join other tribes and move to Indian Territory. ""We would at first build houses for your chiefs and principal men, and . . . send you large herds of cattle and sheep to live upon."" Grant's foreign policy in 1872 centered on the Geneva tribunal, established the previous year to arbitrate the thorny dispute with Great Britain over the Alabama Claims. At stake were both the responsibility for past damages and future rules for neutral countries. Grant and Secretary of State Hamilton Fish debated long over the men best suited to present the United States' case. When the tribunal awarded $15.5 million to the United States, Grant and Fish celebrated their greatest foreign policy achievement. Several minor scandals clouded the horizon in 1872, most notably at the New York City customhouse, where influence peddling by former staff aide George K. Leet came under congressional scrutiny and led to testimony from Grant's personal secretaries concerning White House encounters. While this scandal soon faded from headlines, it foreshadowed more damaging ones to come. In his personal life, Grant watched as his children began to find their own ways in the world. Emulating the fashion of the upper class, all three older children toured Europe, forcing Grant to borrow money from friends. Left with a suddenly quiet household, Grant repeatedly urged old and newfound friends to visit the White House and the summer cottage at Long Branch, New Jersey.

Inaugurated for a second term on March 4, 1873, Ulysses S. Grant gave an address that was both inspiring and curiously bitter. He told the assembled crowd, ""It is my firm conviction that the civilized world is tending towards republicanism, or government by the people through their chosen representatives, and that our own great republic is destined to be the guiding star to all others."" Yet he ended the speech on an almost petulant note: ""I have been the subject of abuse and slander scarcely ever equaled in political history, which to-day I feel that I can afford to disregard in view of your verdict which I gratefully accept as my vindication."" Grant's lingering anger at his opponents in the 1872 campaign, despite his rather easy victory, reflected his discomfort with politics. Nor had he grown to love his office. Despite a schedule that gave him far more time away from the capital than any of his predecessors, Grant chafed at his work, once joking to a senator that he could not accept an invitation to leave the capital until Congress met. ""After that unhappy event I would be willing to run away any Saturday from my natural enemy."" Grant's second administration began with trouble in a familiar spot, as rival governments claimed legitimacy in Louisiana. At first attempting to remain above the fray, Grant soon succumbed to the pleas of his Republican allies, led by Governor William P. Kellogg and Grant(1)s own brother-in-law, collector of customs James F. Casey. Although troops helped to keep Kellogg in power and gave relative peace to New Orleans, violence escalated in the outlying parishes. Violence in California threatened Grant's Indian peace policy. After Modocs under Captain Jack murdered Brigadier General Edward R. S. Canby during peace talks, what had been an Indian outbreak became the Modoc War. When the outnumbered Modocs were finally overwhelmed, Grant faced critics on all sides as he weighed the punishment for Canby's assailants. The eventual hanging of four Modocs satisfied few. Grant's foreign policy faced few obstacles until November, when Spanish authorities in Cuba shocked Americans by executing fifty-three crew and passengers of the Virginius, caught off the coast of Cuba trying to supply Cuban insurgents while falsely flying the U.S. flag. Grant and Secretary of State Hamilton Fish spent a difficult month balancing public demands for retribution with the knowledge that the Virginius had limited grounds for legal protection. Passions eventually cooled. Even many politicians shied away from action, causing Grant to joke that ""if Spain were to send a fleet into the harbor of New York, and bombard the city, the Senate might pass a resolution of regret that they had had cause for so doing, and offer to pay them for the expense of coming over and doing it."" The greatest challenge to Grant and the country in 1873 came with the stock market panic that began in September. The failure of Jay Cooke & Co. led to a Wall Street collapse, followed by pressure on banks. In the first few days, amid clamor for government action, Grant consulted financiers in New York City and agreed to release treasury funds to bolster the currency. By the end of the month, however, Grant publicly called for bankers and corporations to bear more of the burden of economic recovery, while the country slid gradually toward financial depression.

Ulysses S. Grant faced numerous political challenges during 1874. In the south, the Republican party steadily receded from power. As the year opened, Grant conceded Texas to the Democrats, counseling the recently defeated Republican governor to ""yield to the verdict of the people as expressed by their ballots."" Throughout the spring, Grant monitored an explosive situation in Arkansas, where rival governors set up contending governments. And in Louisiana, the emergence of the White League led to a pitched battle on the streets of New Orleans. All over the south, what Grant called ""atrocities"" led blacks to petition him, as did a group in Louisiana: ""Give us peace or give a Territory to ourselves Mr. President."" The nation also reeled from the aftermath of a financial panic. A bill generally considered inflationary passed Congress in April. Indecisive, Grant prepared two messages on the bill. In the first, never sent, he gave grudging approval. His ringing veto sent Congress back to work: ""I am not a believer in any artificial method of making paper money equal to coin when the coin is not owned or held ready to redeem the promises to pay."" In June, Grant signed a compromise bill that eased inflation fears. Appointments continued to cause turmoil. He selected the largely unknown Ohio lawyer Morrison R. Waite for chief justice after a revelation from Caleb Cushing's past undermined his first nomination. Unable to persuade Elihu B. Washburne to replace an overwhelmed William A. Richardson as secretary of the treasury, Grant nominated another second choice, Benjamin H. Bristow. A frequently slighted Secretary of State Hamilton Fish stayed in the cabinet only after Grant's special pleading. Despite these difficulties, many discussed a third term for Grant, who remained discreetly silent on the issue. In October, Grant made his first visit to Indian Territory, where he saw ""on every side evidence of prosperity."" As he toured, troops completed a four-month campaign against Comanche, Kiowa, and Cheyenne raiders on the southern plains. Further north, Lieutenant Colonel George A. Custer led a party to survey the Black Hills, sacred to the Sioux. Ostensibly scouting sites for military posts, the expedition discovered gold, and the arrival of prospectors by year's end threatened peace in that region. Family and friends had always eased Grant's burdens, but in 1874 the White House seemed a gloomier place after daughter Ellen (Nellie) married in May and left for a new life with her husband in England. Less distressing was the October wedding of eldest son Frederick, who married into an American family. The year closed with Grant quite conscious of public and private uncertainties looming in his future.

Pressured in 1875 to declare himself for or against a third term as president, Ulysses S. Grant found it equally difficult to decide what he wanted and to explain himself to the nation. In May, he pronounced the idea of a third term both constitutional and potentially expedient, and defended the right of the people to choose their own leaders. Grant disavowed any desire to continue as president but expressed gratitude at being chosen twice already. As he pondered a third term, Grant's second term came under increased scrutiny. The first signs of the Whiskey Ring scandal emerged early in 1875. Investigations uncovered several well-established ""rings"" of distillers and officials conspiring to skim tax revenues. Indictments were handed down in May, notably in Milwaukee, Chicago, and St. Louis. Those indicted in St. Louis included some of Grant's own friends. Evidence soon connected the scandal to the capital, and ultimately to Grant's longtime aide and secretary, Orville E. Babcock. Warned in July, Grant brusquely ordered prosecutors to ""Let no guilty man escape,"" even those ""who insinuate that they have high influence to protect, or to protect them."" But in December, when Babcock made a questionable demand for a military court of inquiry to clear his name, Grant backed him up. The idea soon fizzled, and by year's end Babcock faced trial in St. Louis. Grant faced further tribulation in the south. In Louisiana, supporters of rival legislatures clashed on the streets of New Orleans. Lieutenant General Philip H. Sheridan, accused of interfering on behalf of the Republican legislature, described armed Democrats as ""banditti,"" a remark that became a rallying cry for southerners and those northerners opposed to federal intervention. Grant did recognize the limits of northern patience. In September, after violence flared again in Mississippi, he hesitated to intervene, noting that ""the great majority are ready now to condemn any interference on the part of the government."" Rumors of gold in the Black Hills signaled a new threat to Grant's Indian policy. Prospectors flocked to Dakota Territory, and many slipped past military patrols ordered to stop them. Grant sent an emissary to the Sioux with a proposal to buy the Black Hills. In May, Sioux leaders traveled to the capital, where Grant renewed efforts to persuade them to relocate to Indian Territory. The Sioux refused, returned home, and rebuffed a commission sent out to resume negotiations. In November, Grant tacitly dropped the military patrols. Grant left in September for an extensive western trip. In St. Louis, he arranged to sell assets at his farm, which he had resolved to lease after persistent losses. Traveling as far west as Salt Lake City, where he met Mormon leader Brigham Young, Grant could not have relished the prospect of returning to Washington, D.C. The Democrats who controlled the House of Representatives prepared to challenge his administration at every turn.

On May 10, 1876, Ulysses S. Grant pulled a lever to start the mighty 1,400-horsepower Corliss Steam Engine, powering acres of machinery for the nation's Centennial Exhibition in Philadelphia. Grant summed up a century of American progress by saying, ""Whilst proud of what we have done, we regret that we have not done more. Our achievements have been great enough however to make it easy for our people to acknowledge superior merit wheresoever found."" That summer, Fourth of July celebrations coincided with early reports that Lieutenant Colonel George A. Custer and his Seventh Cavalry had been wiped out by Sioux. Grant resisted the subsequent clamor for volunteers to crush the Sioux, but his peace policy lay in shambles, and he later criticized Custer's unnecessary ""sacrifice of troops."" Soldiers sent to subdue Indians meant fewer available to help ensure a fair election in November. Grant's correspondents described a pattern of physical and economic intimidation throughout the South, as Democrats sought to keep blacks from the polls. After whites massacred black militia in South Carolina, Grant warned that unchecked persecution would lead to ""bloody revolution."" As violence spread, Grant struggled to position limited forces where they could do the most good. Scandals diverted Grant's attention from larger policy questions. A series of Whiskey Ring prosecutions culminated in the February trial of Orville E. Babcock, Grant's private secretary. A new scandal erupted in March when Secretary of War William W. Belknap resigned, hoping in vain to avoid impeachment for selling post traderships. Grant drew fire for having accepted the resignation, a move that ultimately led to Belknap's acquittal by the Senate. An investigation also linked Grant's brother Orvil to the scandal. Grant battled a Democratic House of Representatives until late that summer over issues as vital as the budget and as symbolic as the president's absences from the capital. He welcomed Rutherford B. Hayes as the Republican choice for his successor, despite private irritation at Hayes's pointed pledge to serve only one term. As his presidency waned, Grant planned a trip to Europe when he left office. Investments would finance his travels, and he staked his fortunes on western mining stocks. In June, a granddaughter born at the White House brought the family joy in an otherwise trying year.

In his eighth and final annual message to Congress, Ulysses S. Grant reminded the nation that it was his fortune or misfortune, to be called to the office of Chief Executive without any previous political training? The electoral crisis that dominated Grant's last months in office left little room for political error. On November 7, 1876, Democrat Samuel J. Tilden won the popular vote, but Republican Rutherford B. Hayes would claim the presidency by a single electoral vote if he captured all disputed electors from Florida, Louisiana South Carolina, and Oregon. Uncertainty gave way to deadlock as the crisis deepened. Grant's mail included a steady trickle of anonymous threats. In late January 1877, Grant signed a bill creating an electoral commission to end the dispute. Hayes won all disputed electors and succeeded Grant without incident. Out of the White House, without a settled home, the Grants spent two months visiting family and friends before embarking on their long-planned European tour. On May 17, Grant left Philadelphia aboard the steamer Indiana. When he arrived at Liverpool, crowds thronged the docks and streets to give him a hero's welcome, and Londoners welcomed Grant with similar enthusiasm. In July, the Grants crossed to Belgium, traveled through Germany, and summered in the Swiss Alps and the lakes of northern Italy. Back in Great Britain, they toured Scotland and northern England, then visited daughter Ellen Grant Sartoris at Warsash, the Sartoris country home near Southampton. Grant spent November in Paris, later writing ""no American would stay in Paris if he found himself the only one of his countrymen there."" The Grants wintered in the Mediterranean, sailing down the Italian coast to Sicily, where they spent Christmas, then to Alexandria, and a long trip up the Nile. The party toured the Holy Land, visited Constantinople and Athens, and spent a month in Italy. After another month in Paris, the Grants were off to Holland, Germany, Scandinavia, Russia, Austria, and Switzerland, exploring the Alps again before returning to Paris in September, 1878, to ponder their next move. Abroad and out of office, Grant freely talked about the war and his presidency. Several interviews stirred controversy in America and stoked talk of a third term in 1880, despite Grant's own protestation: ""I never wanted to get out of a place as much as I did to get out of the Presidency."" The Grants had seen Europe. Now they faced a choice between home and a journey to distant Asia.

By late 1878, after a year and a half abroad, Ulysses S. Grant had visited every country in Europe, and he was homesick. ""I have seen nothing to make me regret that I am an American. Our country: its resources; energy, ingenuity and intelligence of the people, &c. is more appreciated abroad than at home."" Grant decided to return through Asia. After ""a delightful run"" to Dublin and northern Ireland, he left Paris with his wife Julia, son Frederick, and a few friends in January, 1879.Heading east, Grant kept a travel diary. On the voyage to Bombay, travelers socialized on deck. ""Four of the lady passengers and one of the gentlemen Amateur Artists, amused themselves by sketching me."" Crossing India overland, the Grant party rode elephants, visited the Taj Mahal, and witnessed Hindu ceremonies. From Calcutta, Grant sailed for Burma, Singapore, and Siam. After stops at Hong Kong and Canton, Grant wrote, ""I am satisfied that the Chinese are badly treated at home by Europeans as well as when they emigrate."" At Tientsin, Grant befriended Viceroy Li Hung-chang, ""probably the most intelligent and most advanced ruler - if not man - in China,"" and at Peking he agreed to mediate a dispute with Japan over the Ryukyu Islands.During a ""very delightful"" ten weeks in Japan, Grant met the Emperor, visited shrines and hot springs, attended a play and a lantern parade in his honor, and held talks on the Ryukyu dispute.Throngs welcomed Grant to San Francisco on September 20, 1879. Grant assured all that the United States stood second to none in the world in its people, institutions, and ideals. He told Confederate veterans, ""I have an abiding faith that we will remain together in future harmony."" Grant toured Yosemite and visited scenes from his army days in Oregon and Washington Territory, then headed east again, his train cheered at every stop. At Galena and Chicago he basked in the warmth of ovations and old friends. Another series of crowds and banquets culminated in December at Philadelphia, where Grant completed his circuit of the globe.As 1880 began, Grant headed south. He marveled at Florida's potential and groused at Cuba's heat, then reached Mexico, a country he had long ago admired as part of an occupying army. Grant met influential leaders, toured silver mines and old battlefields, and encouraged development.Grant returned to New Orleans and more banquets and speeches, touting reconciliation and praising black advancement. His progress north took on the air of a campaign as the Republican convention loomed. Newspapers debated a third term while Grant kept silent. In June, at Chicago, delegates split between Grant and James G. Blaine, and settled on dark horse James A. Garfield. Grant expressed relief at avoiding a ""most violent campaign.""Grant spent the summer in the Rocky Mountains inspecting mines, sometimes by pack mule, for possible investments. In September, back in Galena, he rejoined the political fray, attacking Garfield's opponent, Major General Winfield S. Hancock, in an interview. ""He is the most selfish man I know...He can not bear to hear anyone else praised, but can take any amount of flattery."" With the election weeks away, and the outcome in doubt, Grant took to the stump. ""I am a Republican,"" he told an Ohio crowd, ""because the Republican Party is a national party seeking the greatest good for the greatest number of citizens.

In the final weeks of the 1880 campaign, Ulysses S. Grant left Galena and headed east to stump for the Republican ticket. At rallies in New England, upstate New York, Connecticut, New Jersey, and New York City, sometimes several times a day, the reticent Grant warmed to his role. Sounding a familiar postwar theme, he repeatedly condemned voter harassment in the South, asserting the right of ""our fellow-citizens of African descent, to go to the polls, even though they are in the minority, and put in their ballot without being burned out of their homes, and without being threatened or intimidated."" James A. Garfield won a narrow victory over Major General Winfield S. Hancock and welcomed Grant's advice on matters ranging from cabinet choices to foreign policy.Rootless since their White House days and unsatisfied with backwater Galena, the Grants now decided to settle in New York City and took rooms at the Fifth Avenue Hotel. In January, 1881, Grant accepted the presidency of the 1883 World's Fair Commission, charged with bringing an exposition to New York City. Initial enthusiasm soon gave way to rancor, as factions split over where to place the fair. Grant favored Central Park, but public sentiment intervened, and funding evaporated. By March, Grant resigned.Grant's business interests reflected the international stage he now occupied. Competing plans for an isthmian canal through Panama, Mexico, and Nicaragua jockeyed for support, with Grant strongly favoring Nicaragua. He published an article championing Nicaragua even as momentum swung behind Panama. But Grant's attention was drawn more to railroads and to Mexico. When his friend Matias Romero promoted a new line through Oaxaca, Grant jumped on board. A speech to American capitalists in November, 1880, led a few months later to the incorporation of the Mexican Southern Railroad, with Grant as president. By April, 1881, he was in Mexico City, where he told lawmakers, ""I predict, with the building of these roads, a development of the country will take place such as has never been witnessed in any country before...There is nothing, in my opinion, to stand in the way of Mexican progress and grandeur, and wealth, but the people themselves.""In June, Grant returned from Mexico with a new charter in hand. But his mind was on Garfield and Secretary of State James G. Blaine, two men who had thwarted him at the Republican convention one year earlier. Grant supported his Stalwart ally, Roscoe Conkling, in a power struggle with Garfield and Blaine. From New Orleans to New York City, Grant spoke candidly, complaining of Conkling's mistreatment by Garfield and others. The feud ended after Garfield was shot on July 2. When he died in September, Grant wept with the nation.Fitz John Porter had sought restoration to the army since his dismissal after the Second Battle of Bull Run. Grant had previously rebuffed Porter but now reversed course. Taking up a case that divided former commanders now in Congress, Grant forcefully argued for Porter's vindication.Grant and wife Julia bought a home just off Fifth Avenue in New York City. In the summer, he commuted from his seaside cottage at Long Branch, New Jersey, to his office on Wall Street, where he greeted a steady stream of admirers and influence-seekers. A silent partner in the brokerage firm his son Ulysses, Jr., formed with Ferdinand Ward, Grant left finances in Ward's hands. Surveys for the Mexican Southern proceeded. Banquets and parties filled many evenings. The Grants settled into Manhattan society.

In this book, Ulysses S. Grant's life story reaches its end. Mexico had interested Ulysses S. Grant since the young lieutenant fought there. Now, as president of the Mexican Southern Railroad, he emerged as a strong advocate of increased trade and investment. Appointed by President Chester A. Arthur to negotiate a commercial treaty, Grant spent most of January 1883, working on the project. For months, Grant promoted the resulting treaty, granting interviews, giving speeches, and toasting visiting Mexican statesman Porfirio Diaz. The Senate ultimately rejected the treaty amid charges that Grant had crafted provisions to benefit his moribund railroad. As Grant lost influence in the White House and in Congress, he turned his attention and energy elsewhere. In September 1883, Grant joined a tour to celebrate the completion of the Northern Pacific Railroad, begun during his first presidential term. From Minnesota to Oregon, Grant saw firsthand the rapid growth of the northwest. 'I was not prepared to see so rich a country or one so rapidly developing'. Grant wrote a series of articles about his Civil War campaigns, and then began his ""Memoirs"". In February 1885, he was diagnosed with cancer. Newspapers published daily updates as Grant's health steadily declined. Fading health spurred Grant to finish his ""Memoirs"". He completed the first of two volumes by March. The second was nearly done in June, when the Grants left sweltering New York City for upstate Mount McGregor. Here Grant finished his work and faced his end, unable to speak, communicating by notes to his doctors and friends. 'There never was one more willing to go than I am'. Grant died on July 23, his family at his side.

The papers of Ulysses S. Grant

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