The papers of Andrew Johnson

著者

書誌事項

The papers of Andrew Johnson

editors, LeRoy P. Graf and Ralph W. Haskins ; editorial associates, Harry T. Burn, Jr. and Patricia P. Clark

University of Tennessee Press, 1967-

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注記

Vols. 8, 9, 12-14: edited by Paul H. Bergeron and others

v. 1: 1822-1851.--v. 2: 1852-1857.--v. 3: 1858-1860.--v. 4: 1860-1861.--v. 5: 1861-1862.--v. 6: 1862-1864.--v. 7: 1864-1865.--v. 8: May-August 1865.--v. 9: September 1865-January 1866.--v. 10: February-July 1866.--v. 11: August 1866-January 1867.--v. 12: February-August 1867.--v. 13: September 1867-March 1868.--v. 14: April-August 1868 --v. 15: September 1868-April 1869

Includes bibliographical references

内容説明・目次

巻冊次

v. 12 ISBN 9780870498961

内容説明

From February to August 1867 there was a great deal of bad news for Andrew Johnson and very little good news. The earlier struggles between Congress and the president intensified, and threats of impeachment continued unabated, fed by the activity of the House Judiciary Committee. The Papers of Andrew Johnson will number some sixteen volumes. Devoted principally to correspondence, speeches, and official documents, they will also be significant for their insights into the mind of mid-nineteenth century America.
巻冊次

v. 15 ISBN 9781572330283

内容説明

This volume encompasses the last six months of Andrew Johnson's presidency (September 1868-February 1869) and March and April of 1869. During this time Johnson moved from being a considerably diminished president to becoming an ex-president. But by April he sought to rejuvenate his political career by undertaking a speaking tour across Tennessee. Despite being a ""president in limbo"" in the last months of his term, Johnson remained surprisingly active. Requests and nominations for presidential patronage did not slow down, but Johnson enjoyed only limited success in securing Senate confirmation of his appointments. Yet the patronage game continued to be played right up to the end of his term. Although Horace Greeley feared Johnson might ""do something to make us all d--d mad before November,"" the President's involvement in the presidential campaign was limited to a plea with Horatio Seymour to become an active campaigner. But even a more engaged Democratic candidate could not have thwarted the Republican ticket headed by General Grant. One holdover problem from the summer months was the whiskey frauds investigation in New York City. It continued through the end of 1868 with various twists and turns. The Johnson administration had to defend its own investigators, who seemed as unscrupulous as those they investigated. The ultimate purpose of the inquiry was to replace Internal Revenue Commissioner Edward Rollins, but Rollins remained in office. In late 1868 several Southern states sent reports about unusual outbreaks of violence to Washington. A Tennessee delegation testified about Ku Klux Klan activities and requested federal troops to counteract them. North Carolina, Alabama, Louisiana, and Arkansas presented similar accounts to Johnson. But the President was unable to take any real action. In December, Johnson submitted his fourth and final Annual Message to Congress. Not surprisingly, he attacked the various Reconstruction acts. Yet he also focused on the national debt and urged a scheme that would enable bondholders to be paid off in less than seventeen years. Republican leaders in Congress, however, strongly opposed this proposal. That same month the president also issued his fourth and final Amnesty Proclamation. Its terms embraced everyone who had not already been accommodated by earlier proclamations. The Senate demanded an explanation from Johnson, who soon forwarded a defence of the new proclamation. The President left office on March 4, but not before delivering a ""Farewell Address."" He said that he had no regrets about his administration, a view not shared by most political leaders. Johnson spent two more weeks in Washington before returning home to Tennessee. Shortly after arriving in Greeneville he decided to rehabilitate his political standing. After all, friends had already encouraged him to run for governor or possibly a U.S. Senate seat. Only a brief, but serious, illness delayed his plans. In April, Johnson hit the campaign trail, making major speeches in Knoxville, Nashville, and Memphis. After a foray into north Alabama, Johnson was stunned by the tragic news of the suicide of his son Robert. He returned to Greeneville to grieve but also to contemplate his future political career. He would move forward in search of vindication at the hands of the voters.
巻冊次

v. 16 ISBN 9781572330917

内容説明

Is there life after the presidency? That is the question with which Andrew Johnson wrestled after his return to Tennessee in March 1869 until his death in the summer of 1875. He answered that question with a resounding "yes" and revitalized his political ambitions. For his six post-presidential years, Johnson relentlessly pursued a vindication of earlier setbacks and embarrassments. He had hardly arrived back in Greenville before he began mapping his strategy to recapture public acclaim. Johnson eschewed the opportunity to compete for the governor's chair and opted instead to set his sights on the prospects of going back to the nation's capital, preferably as a U. S. senator. Johnson engaged in three separate campaigns, one in 1869, one in 1872, and the final one is 1874-75. In the first, he sought election to the U. S. Senate. At the very last minute the tide went against him in the legislature, and Johnson thereby lost a wonderful opportunity to return to Washington only a few months after the end of his presidency. In 1872, Tennessee stipulated that its new congressional seat would be an at-large one. This suited Johnson, who favored a statewide, rather than a district, race. When he could not secure the formal nomination of the state's Democratic part, he boldly declared himself an independent candidate. Although he knew full well that his actual chances of election over either a Republican or a Democratic rival were slim, Johnson stayed in the fray. Confederates exerted one the Democratic party, and he succeeded. The Republican contender emerged victorious, much as Johnson had calculated, and therefore in a somewhat perverse this strengthened Johnson's political clout for another day. The day came in 1874, when he launched his campaign for the U.S. Senate. Johnson labored mightily throughout the state in this cause: by the time the legislature convened, he was the major contender for the post. But Democratic party successes in the gubernatorial and legislative elections had encouraged a number of other hopefuls. Eventually, the legislature staged fifty-five ballots before Johnson carried the day in late January 1875. As fate would have it, President Grant summoned a special session if the U. S. Senate to meet in March, enabling Johnson to claim his seat well ahead of the normal schedule. The ex-president strode confidently into the Senate chamber, the scene of his impeachment embarrassment in 1868, and took the oath of office. Many well-wishers, as well as old foes, greeted the battle-scarred political veteran whose vindication had been achieved at last. After lingering in Washington after the close of the Senate session, Johnson returned to Tennessee, where he lived out the short remainder of his days. With the exception of serious financial reverses and a nearly fatal battle with cholera in 1873, Johnson's sole focus had been his political rehabilitation. Considering his return to the Senate, albeit brief, the argument could be made that he succeeded. But, considering the verdict of most historians, it remains debatable whether he achieved his aims. The Editor: Paul H. Bergeron is professor of history at the University of Tennessee, Knoxville.

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