The role of agreement in non-finite predication
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Bibliographic Information
The role of agreement in non-finite predication
（Linguistik aktuell, v. 90）
J. Benjamins Pub., c2005
- : hb
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Note
Revision of the author's thesis (doctoral)
Includes bibliographical references (p. [203]-218) and index
Description and Table of Contents
Description
This comparative syntactic study claims that agreement is the most central functional category responsible for licensing predication in finite, non-finite and small clauses alike. Intriguing syntactic phenomena like Icelandic infinitival predicates taking non-nominative (quirky) subjects; psych-impersonal and modal predicates in Italian, Hungarian and Russian; meteorological predicates, existential clauses, post-verbal and null subjects in the so-called null-subject VSO languages can all be better analyzed through a concept of predication that is closely related to AGRP, manifesting subject-verb agreement. The overt agreement marking in Hungarian and Portuguese infinitival clauses further strengthens this view. Obviation and control subjunctive clauses in the Balkan languages, Welsh finite and non-finite infinitival clauses as well as case-marked secondary predicates in Icelandic, Slovak, Hungarian, Russian and Finnish also lend support to an analysis where the [+pred] feature is checked in AGRP.
Table of Contents
- 1. List of abbreviations
- 2. List of cases in Hungarian
- 3. Acknowledgements
- 4. Foreword
- 5. 1. Finiteness and minimalist theory
- 6. 2. Two theories of predicstion without AGRP
- 7. 3. AGR-based theories of grammar
- 8. 4. AGRP in infinitival clauses: Icelandic and Hungarian
- 9. 5. AGRP in other forms of non-finite predication
- 10. 6. Conclusion
- 11. References
- 12. Index
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